Could Saul Rule Forever? A New Look at 1 Samuel 13:13-14
Michael Avioz
Department of Bible, Bar-Ilan University
1. Introduction
In 1 Samuel 13, the
battle between the Israelites and the Philistines at Michmash is described. Following
military obstacles and a prolonged anticipation of Samuel’s arrival, Saul presents
the burnt offering himself, though he was ordered in 1 Sam 10:8 to wait for
Samuel. The resulting conflict between Samuel and Saul is presented in vv. 7-15a.
Samuel delivers an oracle of judgment to Saul for his failure to heed the
prophet’s command to await his arrival:
You have done foolishly; you have not kept the commandment of the Lord
your God, which he commanded you. The Lord would have established your kingdom
over Israel
forever, but now your kingdom will not continue; the Lord has sought out a man
after his own heart; and the Lord has appointed him to be ruler over his
people, because you have not kept what the Lord commanded you.
Scholars who deal with
this pericope generally attempt to understand the nature of Saul’s sin which
necessitated his rejection from becoming king.[1] Only
rarely do they deal with Samuel’s words implying that Saul could have reigned
forever. The main problems arising from Samuel’s word to Samuel are as follows:
are we to understand Samuel’s words about Saul’s everlasting kingship as
reflecting his own interpretation, or should they be understood as resulting
from a divine oracle delivered to Samuel? This question arises since there is
no indication in 1 Samuel 13 or earlier that God has promised this to Saul.
Furthermore, how are we to reconcile these words with the divine promise to
David in 2 Samuel 7, in which David was promised an everlasting rule? Wasn’t
the promise to David exclusive and extraordinary?
2. Analysis
Some
scholars are of the opinion that the narrator presents Samuel’s words as the
prophet’s own innovation rather than God’s.[2] This
opinion derives from the lack of an explicit divine oracle delivered to Samuel
(or “messenger formula”), containing instructions to convey its content to
Saul.[3] In
Amit’s view, “this statement by Samuel can be interpreted as personal
commentary that contains rhetorical exaggeration.”[4]
She brings the text from 1 Samuel 13 as a
demonstration of her thesis that biblical characters may be designated as
unreliable. Brueggemann[5] argues
that the narrator creates intentional ambiguity, so that the reader will doubt
both Samuel’s and God’s intentions and interests.
Other scholars consider
vv. 13-14 deuteronomistic, since they allude to Nathan’s oracle to David in 2
Sam 7:12, 16.[6] And since 2 Samuel 7 is
regarded as deuteronomistic, so is 1 Sam 13:13-14.
In the following, I intend to contest each of these
arguments separately.
(a) These
scholars assume too much rigidity in Westermann’s formulaic categories.
Westermann’s formulas of prophetic speech are, in fact, very flexible, as
Westermann himself argues, and this example of prophetic speech in 1 Samuel 13
may still have been a prophetic judgment speech, even without the introductory “messenger
formula.”
(b) This view
supposes that Samuel lied to Saul, or waited to the appropriate opportunity to
get rid of Saul. However, there is no basis for this assessment of Samuel in
the book of Samuel. On the contrary, Samuel is described as a reliable
character, apart, perhaps, from 1 Sam 16:2-4, in which he was ordered by God to
tell a lie.[7]
(c) Was
the principle of dynastic succession prevalent in the days of Samuel and Saul?
A few scholars answer this question in the negative.[8] In their
view, Saul and David ruled in virtue of a divine gift (charisma), rather than
through any principle of dynastic succession. However, other scholars[9] argue
that all kings in the ancient Near East were regarded as chosen by the deity.
Moreover, there is serious doubt whether a charismatic view was held in ancient
Israel
in the time of Saul and David.[10]
That monarchy in Israel
was hereditary from its inception is clear from the law of the king in Deut
17:20[11]: “That
his heart may not be lifted up above his brethren, and that he may not turn
aside from the commandment, either to the right hand or to the left; so that he
may continue long in his kingdom, he and his children, in Israel.”
According to this law, the covenant with the king includes a covenant with his
dynasty. Saul himself hoped that his son Jonathan would inherit his throne (1
Sam 20: 30-31), and after
the death of Saul and Jonathan, Abner appointed Ish-bosheth (Eshbaal) as king
of Israel.
A similar view is taken by J. Liver[12] who
writes on Saul: “Saul also seems destined to have a kingdom not only for
himself, but also for his descendants, and only circumstances caused the fall
of the house of Saul”. As Laato has shown, the idea of the royal succession was
inherent in the royal ideology of the ancient Near East.[13] After
reviewing material from various texts from the ancient Near East, he concludes
that “nothing indicates that the
idea of an eternal dynasty was limited to either an early or a late period.”[14]
(d) The argument that vv. 13-14 in 1
Samuel 13 are deuteronomistic (on the basis of the appearance of the eternal
dynasty motif in 2 Samuel 7) seems like a circular argument: if 2 Samuel 7 is
late,[15] than 1
Samuel 13, who alludes to it, must be late too. Space limit does not allow me to
discuss Nathan’s oracle in depth here, and therefore I will summarize briefly my
views regarding the date and composition of 2 Samuel 7. Scholars who view Nathan’s oracle as a late composition, do it on the
basis of the differentiation between conditional and unconditional covenants. According
to their view, unconditional covenant is regarded as belonging to an early date,
while the conditional reformulation is assigned to the hands of later (post
exilic) editors.[16] However,
this differentiation was contested by several scholars, most recently by
Freedman and Miano.[17] It
is my opinion that Nathan’s oracle should be dated to the Tenth century BCE.[18] The
covenant between God and David contains elements of vassal treaties known to us
from Hittite texts from the thirteenth century BCE.[19]
In
addition, the description of a king who desires to build a house for his god is
well attested in hymns and royal building inscriptions from the early beginnings
of civilization.[20] If my arguments are sound,
then the conclusion might be that allusions made by the author of Samuel to
Nathan’s oracle in 2 Samuel 7 cannot be used as a proof for presenting Samuel’s
oracle to Saul as a late addition.
3. Summary and Conclusions
According to the view presented in this paper, Samuel’s
oracle to Saul in 1 Samuel 13:13-14 should be regarded as authentic rather than
deuteronomistic or as a fabrication of Samuel himself. Neither the author of
Samuel nor Samuel invented the idea of a royal dynasty. It was known many years
before the time of Samuel. Therefore, Saul could have established a dynasty, in
which his sons will be the future rulers of
Israel
. Why this did not happen is,
of course, another matter. According to the book of Samuel, Saul’s religious
misconduct as a king has made him lose the crown for the sake of David.
NOTES
[1]
See
H.J.
Stoebe, Das erste Buch Samuelis (KAT, 8/1; Gütersloh:
Gütersloher Verlagshaus Gerd Mohn, 1973), 252-53; B.C. Birch,
The
Rise of the Israelite Monarchy.
The Growth and Development of 1 Samuel
7-15 (SBLDS 27; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press,
1976), 106. See also the bibliography cited in V.P. Long, The Reign and Rejection of
King Saul. A Case for Literary and Theological Coherence (SBLDS
118
; Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press,
1989), 90-93; T.S.
Vecko,
“Saul – the Persecutor or the Persecuted One?”, in The Interpretation of the
Bible: The International Symposium in Slovenia
(ed. J. Krašoveç
;
JSOTSS 289; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 1998): 201-214.
[2]
See for example Y. Amit, “‘The Glory of Israel Does not Deceive or Change His Mind’: On
the Reliability of Narrator and Speakers in Biblical Narrative,”
Prooftexts
12 (1992), 209; R. Alter,
The David Story. A
Translation with
Commentary of 1 and 2 Samuel (New York: Norton, 1999),
73.
[3]
W. Brueggemann
, First and Second Samuel (Interpretation; Louisville, KY: Westminster / John Knox, 1990), 100; R. Polzin, Samuel and the Deuteronomist. A
Literary Study of the Deuteronomic History, Part II: 1 Samuel (Bloomington:
IUP, 1989), 127. This classification is based upon C. Westermann, Basic
Forms of Prophetic Speech (trans. H.C. White; Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1967),
100-115.
[4]
Amit, “The Glory of Israel,” 209.
[5]
Brueggemann,
Samuel, 101.
[6]
M. Weinfeld,
Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972),
336, # 16; T. Veijola,
Die ewige Dynastie. David und die Entstehung seiner
Dynastie nach der deuteronomistischen Darstellung (AASF.B 193; Helsinki:
Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia, 1975), 56-57;
P.K. McCarter, I Samuel (AB 8; New York: Doubleday,
1980), 228-30; M.A. O’Brien, The
Deuteronomistic History Hypothesis: A Reassessment (OBO, 92; Freiburg:
Universitätsverlag, 1989), 131; P. Mommer, Samuel: Geschichte und
Überlieferung (WMANT, 65; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1991),
135-37; S.L. McKenzie, “The Trouble with Kingship,” in Israel
Constructs its History: Deuteronomistic Historiography in Recent Research
(ed. A. de Pury, T. Römer, and J.D. Macchi; JSOTSup, 306; Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 309-310.
[7]
For a discussion of this story as well as other stories in which prophets seem to
lie, see Y. Shemesh, “Lies by Prophets and Other Lies in the Hebrew Bible,”
JANES
29 (2002), 81–95.
[8]
See, among others, A. Alt, “The Formation of
the Israelite State in Palestine,”
Essays on Old Testament History and
Religion (Oxford: Blackwell, 1966), 171-237; M. Noth,
The History of
Israel (
London: A & C. Black, 2nd edn, 1960), 228-30; J. Bright,
A
History of Israel (London: Westminster/John Knox, 1972), 234-35, 271;
F. Crüsemann,
Der Widerstand gegen das Königtum (WMANT, 49;
Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchen Verlag, 1978).
[9]
See the references in
R.R. Hutton, Charisma and Authority in Israelite
Society (Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg Fortress, 1994), 71-83; Tomoo Ishida, History
and Historical Writing in Ancient Israel: Studies in Biblical Historiography
(SHCANE, 16; Leiden: Brill, 1999), 171; Z. Ben Barak, “The Status and Right of
the Gebira,” JBL 110 (1991), 29; K. Spanier, “The Queen Mother in the
Judean Court: Maacha – A Case Study,” in A. Brenner (rd.), A Feminist
Companion to Samuel and Kings (Feminist Companion to the Bible, 5; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994), 187, n. 2.
[10]
See Beyerlin
,
Königscharisma,
186-201; A. Malamat, “Charismatic Leadership in the Book of Judges,” in
Magnalia
Dei. The Mighty Acts of God: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Memory of
G. Ernest Wright (eds. F.M. Cross et al.; Garden City, NY: Doubleday,
1976), 152-68. When speaking of the ‘charismatic leadership’, Malamat confines
himself in the era of the judges and does not continue to the reign of Saul.
[11]
See A.D.H. Mays,
Deuteronomy (NCB; Grand Rapids: Eardmans;
London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1979), 270; G.E. Gerbrandt,
Kingship
According to the Deuteronomistic History (SBLDS, 87; Atlanta: Scholars
Press, 1986), 108-16;
D. Jobling,
I Samuel. Studies in Hebrew
Narrative and Poetry (Berit Olam; Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press,
1998),
80.
[12]
J. Liver,
King, Kingship, Encyclopedia
Biblica (Jerusalem: The Bialik Institute, 1964), IV, 1091 (Hebrew). Cf. W.
Beyerlin, Das Königscharisma
bei Saul,” ZAW 73 (1961),
197; M. White, “‘History of Saul’s Rise’: Saulide State Propaganda in 1 Samuel
1-14,” in A Wise and Discerning Mind: Essays in Honor of Burke O. Long
(ed. S.M. Olyan and R.C. Culley; Brown Judaic Studies 325; Providence, RI:
Brown Univ., 2000), 286.
[13]
See the references in A. Laato, “
Second Samuel 7 and Ancient Near
Eastern Royal Ideology,” CBQ 59 (1997), 244-69.
[14]
Latto, “Second Samuel 7,” 263. Cf. G. Beckman, “Royal
Ideology and State Administration in Hittite Anatolia,”
in
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, ed.
J. Sasson et al. (New York: Scribner, 1995), Vol. I, 533: “In most
societies of the ancient Near East, kingship was normally passed from father to
son.”
[15]
For a review of the various suggestions concerning the redactional layers in 2 Samuel 7, see
Dietrich, W. and T. Naumann, Die
Samuelbücher (Erträge der Forschung, 287; Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995), 153-56.
[16]
See M. Weinfeld
, “The Covenant of Grant in the Old Testament and
in the Ancient Near East,” JAOS 90 (1970), 184-203. For a list of
scholars following Weinfeld’s argument, see J.D. Levenson, “The Davidic
Covenant and Its Modern Interpreters”, CBQ 41 (1979), 205-19. For a
critique of Weinfeld see G.N. Knoppers, “Ancient Near Eastern Royal Grants and
the Davidic Covenant: A Parallel?,” JAOS 116 (1996), 670-97.
[17]
D.N. Freedman and D. Miano, “The People of the New Covenant,” in
The Concept of the Covenant in the Second
Temple Period, eds. S.E. Porter and J.C.R. de Roo
(JSJSup, 71; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2003),
7-26. See also M. Haran,
The Bĕrit Covenant: Its
Nature and Ceremonial Background, in Tehilla le-Moshe: Biblical and Judaic
Studies in Honor of Moshe Greenberg, eds. M. Cogan et al. (Winona Lake, IN:
Eisenbrauns), 203-19; J. Milgrom, Covenants: The Sinaitic and Patriarchal Covenants in the Holiness Code
(Leviticus 1727), in Sefer Moshe: The Moshe Weinfeld Jubilee Volume,
eds. C.A. Cohen et al. (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2004), 91-101.
[18]
For an early date of the book of Samuel, see recently B. Halpern,
David’s Secret Demons: Messiah, Murderer, Traitor, King (Grand Rapids, MI: Eardmans, 2001), 57-72.
[19]
See P.J. Calderone,
Dynastic Oracle and Suzerainty Treaty (Manila: Manila University, 1966); J. Kim,
Psalm
89: Its Biblical-Theological Contribution to the Presence of Law within the Unconditional Covenant (PhD dissertation; Ann Arbor, MI, 1989), 351 ff.
[20]
V.A. Hurowitz,
I Have Built You an Exalted House. Temple Building in the Bible in Light of Mesopotamian and Northwest
Semitic Writings (JSOTSup, 115; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992); Richard E. Averbeck, “Sumer, the Bible, and Comparative Method:
Historiography and Temple Building,”
Mesopotamia and the Bible: Comparative explorations (eds. M.W. Chavalas and K. Lawson Younger, JR.; Grand Rapids:
Baker, 2002), 88-125; M. Avioz,
Nathan’s Oracle (2 Samuel 7) and Its Interpreters (Bern: Peter Lang, forthcoming).