Transformations in Meaning:
Solomon’s Accession in Chronicles*
Christine Mitchell
St. Andrew’s College,
Saskatoon, Saskatchewan,
Canada
1. Introduction
1.1.
The accession of Solomon in
Chronicles seems to be very different from his accession in Kings. On a purely literary level, it is an
interesting exercise to try to discover how the Chronicler constructed his
version of the beginning of Solomon’s reign.
On a larger scale, we can see this episode as emblematic for how
Chronicles was constructed and for how many parts of the Hebrew Bible were
created. John Van Seters’ recent
attempt to untangle the literary background of certain biblical episodes
provides the starting point for this paper.[1] He suggests that Chronicles’ use
of Samuel-Kings is imitation of the most crass kind, plagiarism. What I would like to argue is that
Chronicles is a profoundly transformative text. The Chronicler took what he needed from his predecessors (sometimes
word-for-word, it is true), but used the material in completely different
ways. He did so in order to respond to
his predecessors, perhaps to overwhelm them, perhaps simply to debate
them. In this essay, I will first
discuss the phenomenon of inner-biblical interpretation, and then examine one
example of the Chronicler’s technique as it was applied to the accession of
Solomon.
2. Inner-biblical interpretation and intertextuality
2.1.
There have been several models
proposed for the inter-relationship of biblical texts.[2] Perhaps the best known of the
more recent theories may be found in Michael Fishbane’s Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel,[3] in which he argues that inner-biblical interpretation is a form of
exegesis, a form that was the starting point for the Jewish midrashic
tradition. We can certainly look back
from our vantage point and see a line of development from inner-biblical
exegesis to midrash (over a period of a thousand years), but it is very likely
that the rabbinic tradition developed a technique seen already in the sacred
texts of the tradition. Knowing the
development of the rabbinic tradition does not tell us why inner-biblical
exegesis developed in the mid-first millennium BCE (beyond being a scribal
impulse). In order to discover the
methods of the late biblical writers, we have to look elsewhere.
2.2.
John Van Seters has approached
the topic from a different perspective.
His article is valuable precisely because it explores the origins of
inner-biblical interpretation, using our knowledge of a contemporary adjacent
literary tradition, rather than a later tradition. He describes a process of “creative imitation,” whereby an
ancient author used the work of an earlier author as a model, while at the same
time leaving clues for the informed reader about his creative borrowing.[4] He suggests, “Creative imitation
often means that the item or feature imitated finds a place in an entirely new
context and form.”[5] He develops this model of
creative imitation in order to defy those who would use the “rubric of
‘intertextuality’” to place all sorts of texts next to each other and read them
without concern for the diachronic development of the biblical canon.[6] He suggests that the way the
classicists understand “intertextuality” (as “one author’s use of another”) is
the way biblicists should understand it as well.[7] If I am reading him correctly,
Van Seters agrees with the common supposition that the Chronicler had
ideological reasons for making his changes to Samuel-Kings (changes he terms as
“fictions”, thus implying that Samuel-Kings is “true”); and he suggests that
the Chronicler’s use of source citations, what he terms “fictitious source
citation,” was meant to draw attention away from the Chronicler’s (mis-)use of
Samuel-Kings – the fact that it was simple plagiarism.[8] Chronicles, therefore, does not
make use of creative imitation, but simply makes small, ideologically-based,
changes to a plagiarized source.
2.3.
There is a wonderfully
Bloomian cast to Van Seters’ argument.
Harold Bloom is only concerned with “strong” authors, who struggle with
their “strong” predecessors; “Weaker talents idealize, figures of capable
imagination appropriate for themselves.”[9] Van Seters’ Chronicler would be
an idealizer. Jonathan Culler points
out that what Bloom is doing is a search for origins in a single precursor
author.[10] This is a criticism that could
be leveled at Van Seters’ approach as well.
His dislike for the term “intertextuality” is evident, because he does
not see intertextuality anywhere; rather he sees allusion, creative imitation,
or plagiarism. What I would suggest is
that we develop a model of intertextuality that is both synchronic (accounts
for how we experience the texts), and diachronic (accounts for how the ancients
experienced the texts). This model
would go beyond a search for allusions or plagiarism.
2.4.
Classical models
2.4.1
Van Seters has based his
concept of “creative imitation” upon his discussion of classical rhetoric,
beginning with a brief discussion of mimesis/imitatio.[11] Because I believe the Chronicler
was working in a literate tradition, a discussion of intertextuality as it
might be understood in the ancient authorities’ work on literary criticism
(rather than rhetoric) might be helpful.
I will begin with Aristotle in the Poetics
(a near contemporary of the Chronicler), and move to “Demetrius” and “Longinus”
(pseudonymous Hellenistic authors).
Although we can see how Aristotle developed his notion of mimesis from Plato,[12] I would like to bypass the purely philosophical arguments in order to
focus on literary criticism.[13]
2.4.2
There are two concepts in the Poetics that may lend themselves to a
discussion of intertextuality, although neither is given that sense exactly: mimesis and plot (mu~qoj). Mimesis, imitation, has two senses in the Poetics, the sense of image-making (as in a work of art) and
enactment – this is the sense that Aristotle emphasized;[14] it is one of the core concepts in the Poetics.[15] For Aristotle, literature, especially
tragedy and epic, was mimetic.[16] Whether we can expand this definition of
mimesis from the imitation of forms to include the imitation of earlier works
of literature is possible, but improbable in Aristotle’s context, since there
is no explicit reference to such reuse other than in the matter of plot. There is no reference to reuse of figures,
themes, motifs, language etc., which we might consider hallmarks of
intertextuality.
2.4.3 Plot, on the other hand, is
something that Aristotle dealt with more concretely. While dealing with plot, Aristotle made mention of plots which
are created from the author’s imagination, and plots which come from stories
that are already known. With both
types, Aristotle argued that the author should use an outline, which he then
fills in with episodes that advance the plot (55a34-55b2). Aristotle saw no difference in effect
between new and re-used plots, and in fact stated that the author need not
stick with the traditional plots but can feel free to invent his own
(51b19-25). Then, he stated that “even
[kai\] the
familiar subjects are familiar only to a minority, yet nonetheless please
everyone” (51b25-27), which suggests (along with the rest of this section of
argument) that while the expected thing to do in his time was to re-use plots,
not everyone would be familiar with the old plots, and would receive them as if
they were new.
2.4.4 Although Aristotle’s
arguments on plot were originally meant to apply to tragedy and epic (he
specifically separated out history from poetry as a genre in 51a36-51b8), it
seems to me that they might be applied to other ancient literary forms. It is clear, at any rate, that the use and
re-use of previous works (specifically the plots of previous works) was a known
and accepted phenomenon in Aristotle’s day, even though exact relationships
perhaps had not been thought out.
2.4.5 Demetrius’ On Style dealt with: 1) sentence
structure; and 2) the Four Styles of writing/oratory. Under the grand style, Demetrius introduced the concept of
bringing poetic words into prose texts.
He suggested that “[p]oetic vocabulary in prose adds grandeur […]” but
“some writers imitate the poets quite crudely, or rather, they do not imitate
them but plagiarise (metaqe/sei) them […]” (§112). He contrasted
Herodotus (as a plagiarist) with Thucydides (as a writer of the grand style),
suggesting that Thucydides did not plagiarize, but rather used the borrowed
vocabulary in his own way and “makes it his own property” (§113). This, then, suggests that reuse of words in
a new context was acceptable in Demetrius’ time, as longs as the words fit the
new context and expressed the author’s message appropriately.
2.4.6 Longinus’ On the Sublime was concerned with the
explication of the sublime (u(/yoj) in literature, where the sublime is seen as true greatness that
elevates (7.1-4). According to Longinus, there are many paths to the sublime, one of which is the “[z]ealous
imitation of the great prose writers and poets of the past,” since the writers
of the past might provide inspiration for the contemporary author (13.2). He provided examples of “Homeric” authors,
including Herodotus and especially Plato (13.3). This imitation of past writers he considered especially
appropriate in matters of style, and “no theft; it is rather like the
reproduction of good character by sculptures or other works of art”
(13.4). An author or orator, then,
should ask himself how previous great authors and orators would have expressed
something; an author should ask himself how that previous great author would
respond to his new work; and most importantly, an author should ask himself how
posterity might receive his work (14.1-3).
Therefore, while Aristotle was concerned with the reuse of plots, and
Demetrius with the reuse of vocabulary, here we have a concern with the reuse
of style; again, it was considered highly appropriate to do so.
2.5
Intertextuality
2.5.1 I define intertextuality as: the
interrelationship of texts, including, but not limited to, the absorption,
rewriting, reuse and dialogue of text with text. The text is the work that absorbs, rewrites or reuses; the
intertext is the work that is absorbed, rewritten or reused – in Yuri Lotman’s
terms, the text within the text.[17] Michael Riffaterre defines the
intertext as “a text or series of texts selected as referents by the text we
are reading.” Although it is hidden, we
can identify it from elements in the text, and in fact, we are invited to do
so.[18] He calls the intertext the
“unconscious of fiction.”[19] He suggests that literariness
can only be found where texts combine or refer to other texts on the level of
intertextuality. However, he also
points out that we must distinguish between knowledge of the intertext’s form
and content and an awareness that an intertext exists, although simply being
aware may be enough to experience the literariness of the text. He suggests that there are “signposts,”
i.e., words or phrases that indicate an obscurity or difficulty in the text,
and where the solution might be found: these signposts link the text and
intertext.[20]
2.5.2 Julia Kristeva’s notion that the
text absorbs and destroys the intertext is extremely important;[21] certainly we can see that possibility for the Chronicles-Samuel-Kings
relationship. Roland Barthes famously
opined that there is nothing outside the text; for him literature was a single
text, what he called a text with a thousand entrances.[22] His idea of looking at the
self-contained text allows us to put aside the text’s context for a moment in order
to focus on the text itself. One of
Barthes’ more interesting points is that the critic should read the text not
only as a first reading but also as a rereading.[23] This is important, I think,
because it brings forward the idea that the reader of the text is formed by a
plurality of texts, even when the texts are formed by codes whose origins are
lost.[24] It is important to keep Barthes’
and Kristeva’s work in mind when discussing intertextuality, because of the
idea of the free-flowing web of interdependence. Otherwise, we are simply engaged in a search for allusion,
literary influence and origins, and intertextuality simply becomes a neologism.[25] The mutual dependence of the
texts, the showing how the “newer” text influences our reading of the “older”
text, is an important aspect of intertextuality. It is also important when reading a Bible that has been canonical
for two thousand years, and a similar kind of reading/re-reading has been done
since antiquity in the form of midrash.
However, rather than seeing intertextuality as a free-flowing web (like
Kristeva and Barthes), I see intertextuality as a structured network connecting
texts and intertexts which are already associated (like Riffaterre).
2.5.3 The work of Yuri Lotman is also
important for developing a model of intertextuality that is both synchronic and
diachronic, because of his emphasis on the temporality of the text. He suggests that besides the
functions of the text in transmission and generation of messages, it also has
the function of memory: the text has the ability to condense cultural memory
and to be interpreted - the text acquires new meanings through the history of
interpretation.[26] The original message is
supplemented or has a new meaning imposed upon it, or the meaning of the message
is transformed.[27] The audience of the text
receives the transmission and generates new meanings so that text and readers
mutually shape each other, just as utterances or texts mutually shape each
other. When we add this to the ideas
from Kristeva, Riffaterre and Barthes, we have developed a concept of
intertextuality that takes into consideration the movement of texts and figures
through space, time, and discourse.
3. Solomon’s
Accession
3.1 Since H.G.M. Williamson’s discussion, it has been taken for
granted that Solomon’s succession to David in Chronicles is based on the
transfer of leadership from Moses to Joshua in Deuteronomy-Joshua. The five main points of similarity in
Williamson’s discussion are: 1) David’s disqualification as Temple builder
linked to Solomon’s succession parallels Moses’ disqualification from entering
the land of Israel linked to Joshua’s succession; 2) the installation of
Solomon parallels that of Joshua by including encouragement, the description of
the task, and the assurance of divine aid; 3) both charges are first given in
private and then in public; 4) the obedience of the people is emphasized in
both accounts; and 5) Joshua is magnified with respect to Moses, so too Solomon
is magnified.[28] This kind of imitation is not creative, as
in Van Seters’ discussion of the story of Naboth’s vineyard in 1 Kgs 21 with
the story of David and Bathsheba in 2 Sam 11-12,[29] in that the
elements have not been transposed to a new situation. However, it is in much the same tradition as the classical
historians (namely Herodotus), who used to pattern parts of their narratives on
other parts, as Van Seters points out.[30] A truly intertextual reading of this
tradition would also look at how our reading of Chronicles influences our
reading of Deuteronomy-Joshua. My
discussion below does not preclude an understanding of Solomon’s accession
being patterned on the succession of Joshua; rather, while the basic pattern of
the Moses-Joshua transition is used in Chronicles, I will argue that the Chronicler
worked creatively and intertextually within this pattern.
3.2 Now we can turn to reading Solomon’s accession in
Chronicles. We are first told in 1 Chr
23:1 that David made Solomon king over Israel.
This would seem to be a private event.
Then in 1 Chr 29:22, the people in the assembly “made David’s son
Solomon king a second time.”[31] This is clearly a public event.[32] Nowhere else in Chronicles is someone made a
king twice. What is also interesting is
that in Chronicles usually the people make someone king. The verb Klm in the hiphil (“to make king”) is used twenty
times in Chronicles: Israel, or a group of warriors, or one tribe or one city
makes someone king (1 Chr 11:10; 12:32, 39 (x2); 29:22; 2 Chr 10:1; 21:8; 22:1;
23:11; 26:1; 33:25; 36:1); Yhwh makes someone king (1 Chr 28:4; 2 Chr 1:8, 9,
11); and a foreign king appoints a puppet king (2 Chr 36:4, 10). Here in 1 Chr 23:1, David makes Solomon king
– he takes upon himself the powers of the people and/or Yhwh.[33] It would seem that in order for Solomon’s
kingship to be fully sanctioned, he has to be made king by the people, not
merely by his father.
3.3 In 1 Chr 28:5-6 David quotes
Yhwh as having chosen Solomon as the king and Temple builder, and in 28:10 and
29:1 David reiterates how God has chosen Solomon. The use of the verb rxb (“to choose”) is interesting, as only Solomon after David is described
as having been chosen by Yhwh to be king.[34] What is equally interesting is
that it is only in David’s words here that Solomon is described as “chosen;”
the speech of Yhwh in 1 Chr 17 which David quotes here does not use the word
“chosen.” David himself is emphasizing
the “chosen-ness” of Solomon, and the fact that God, not he, has chosen
Solomon.[35] I will return to the use of rxb below.
3.4 The third point I would like to draw out is what Solomon is
anointed as. In 1 Chr 29:22, we are
told, “[t]hey made David’s son Solomon
king a second time; they anointed him as the LORD’s prince, and Zadok as
priest.”[36] Here I will examine the implications of the
second half of the verse, starting with the use of the verb x#$m (“to
anoint”). This verb is used only five
times in Chronicles, and the occurrences are critical: twice referring to David
(1 Chr 11:3; 14:8), once to Solomon (1 Chr 29:22), once to Jehu as the
destroyer of the house of Ahab (2 Chr 22:7), and once to Joash (2 Chr
23:11). With the exception of 1 Chr
14:8 (which merely reports what the Philistines had heard), this verb is
strongly associated with Yhwh: David and Solomon are anointed before Yhwh, Yhwh
himself anoints Jehu, and Joash is anointed inside the Temple of Yhwh. The verb Klm in the hiphil seems to be the more usual word in Chronicles to describe
the process of making someone king.
Anointing is something much more special: it happens only to David,
Solomon, and Joash.
3.5 What is Solomon anointed
as? We have in this verse (1 Chr 29:22)
the unique combination of both Klm in the hiphil and x#$m: Solomon is both “made king” and “anointed.” He is anointed as dygn, a very interesting term. It has
often been pointed out that this term in late texts, such as Chronicles,
reflects a usage beyond the “prince” or “ruler” attested in earlier texts. The earlier usage is also attested in
Chronicles; both synoptic occurrences have this meaning (1 Chr 11:2=2 Sam 5:2;
17:7=2 Sam 7:8); but this meaning is also found in non-synoptic passages (1 Chr
5:2; 28:4; 2 Chr 6:5; 11:22; 19:11; 28:7).
In Chronicles, the term often also is used to refer to the “overseer” or
“leader” of a group of officials or military officers (1 Chr 9:11, 20; 12:28;
13:1; 26:24; 27:4; 27:16; 2 Chr 31:12, 13; 32:21). However, both usages are found in Chronicles. So what is Solomon anointed as? The key is found in the other appointment
made at the same time: Zadok as (high) priest.
In 2 Chr 19:11, as Jehoshaphat is appointing judges, he says, “Amariah
the chief priest is over you in all matters of the LORD; and Zebadiah son of
Ishmael, the governor [dygn] of the house of Judah, in all the king’s matters […].” This is the only other place in Chronicles
where priest and dygn are
juxtaposed, and it is clear that they are subordinate to the authority of the
king.[37] Solomon is made a sort of “crown prince:” a
formal title for the successor to the king.[38] Once David is dead, Solomon can become the
king.
3.6 As I pointed out above, Solomon is made king twice. Although this is unparalleled elsewhere in
Chronicles, and does not occur in the episode of Solomon’s accession in 1
Kings, there is a relationship between the accession of Solomon and the
accession of Saul in 1 Sam 10-11. In 1
Sam 10:1, Samuel anoints (x#$m) Saul as “prince” (dygn) in private;
then in 1 Sam 10:20-26 Saul is chosen as king by lot and acclaimed by the
people in public. After Saul proves
himself in battle against the Ammonites, he is made king (wklmyw) in public (and
“before the LORD”) in 1 Sam 11:14-15.
When we put this accession together with the evaluation of Saul in 1 Chr
10 and the evaluation of Solomon in 1 Chr 29:25, we can see that the
Chronicler’s Solomon and the Deuteronomist’s Saul are set in opposition. Saul is made king twice in 1 Samuel, suffers
a horrible fate and is evaluated negatively; Solomon is made king twice in 1
Chronicles and is exalted and is given “such royal majesty as had not been on any
king before him in Israel” (1 Chr 29:25); the comparison with Saul is thus made
explicit without even mentioning Saul’s name (this is similar to 1 Chr
17:13). Thus, we have here an example
of role replacement and reversal: the traditions of Saul’s selection and
anointing as king are kept, but Solomon is substituted for Saul, and the
meaning of the selection and anointing in the story is reversed. The contrast between Solomon and Saul is
thus made subtly but effectively.[39]
3.7 The use of the verb rxb to describe
Solomon’s selection as king has many interesting possibilities. First, David’s emphasis on God’s having
chosen Solomon brings up a contrast with Solomon’s selection as king in 1 Kgs
1-2. Nowhere in Samuel-Kings does it
say that Solomon is chosen by anyone (let alone Yhwh) to be king over Israel,
and Solomon’s succession to David is no sure and easy thing in 1 Kgs 1-2. Chronicles’ response to the position of 1
Kings, then, is that Solomon’s succession is no result of political intrigue,
but rather that he has been chosen all along: putting the words in David’s
mouth absolves David of any part in the political intrigue of 1 Kgs 1. Second, although Solomon is not chosen in
Samuel-Kings (and neither is David), there is one king who is chosen by Yhwh in
1 Samuel, namely Saul: Saul is selected through the casting of lots, and when
the process is finished, Samuel says to the people, “Do you see the one whom
the LORD has chosen [rxb]?” (1 Sam 10:24). Sara Japhet has pointed out that even the
system that David narrates in 1 Chr 28:4-5 resembles the casting of lots,[40] but she does not
link this casting of lots with the other king who is chosen by lots, namely
Saul. The process is almost identical
for both Saul and Solomon: first the tribe (Benjamin, Judah), then the family (Matri, Jesse), then the father (Kish, David), and then the son (Saul, Solomon)
(1 Sam 10:20-21, 1 Chr 28:4-5). The
similarities between Saul and Solomon are so close that it seems that Solomon’s
selection and investiture are inextricably linked with Saul’s selection. David’s emphasis that both he and Solomon
are chosen by God to be king answers the position of 1 Samuel, that Saul is the
one chosen by God, not David or Solomon.[41] This furthers the aspect of role reversal
with respect to Solomon and Saul, and does so with great irony; the continued
emphasis on the chosen-ness of Solomon makes us think that perhaps he was not
so chosen after all – after all, was not Saul chosen and rejected?
3.8 Solomon is made king and anointed “prince” (dygn) in 1 Chr
29:22. While no one else in Chronicles
is anointed (x#$m) as dygn,[42] there is one
king in Samuel-Kings who is anointed as dygn, namely Saul; in
1 Sam 9:16 Yhwh tells Samuel to anoint Saul as dygn, and in 10:1, he
does it. No other ruler in Samuel-Kings
is anointed as dygn. Again, we
have a relationship between Solomon in 1 Chr 29 and Saul in Samuel. To the claim of Samuel-Kings that Saul is
anointed as the ruler over Israel, Chronicles replies that it is not Saul but
Solomon who is so anointed. Solomon has
a position as anointed ruler that not even David in Chronicles can claim, and
his anointing forcefully establishes him as the rightful king in this
text. Saul, earlier set up in
Chronicles as the antithesis of the ideal king, contrasts with Solomon the
paragon. It is interesting that in
Samuel-Kings, David was preceded by a dygn, while in
Chronicles he is succeeded by one; this may emphasize David as the pinnacle of
kingship, while Solomon merely continues in his glory.
3.9 What is also interesting in the depiction of Solomon in 1 Chr 29
is that Solomon has a true coronation, as it were, while David in 1 Chr 11-12
does not. This brings forward the
relationship between David’s accession in 1 Chronicles and his selection as
king in 1 Samuel: in 1 Sam 16:13, Samuel anoints David as king, while 1
Chronicles does not mention any such act by Samuel; in 1 Chr 11:3 David is
anointed as king by the people. When we
tie together all of the anointings in Samuel-Kings and Chronicles of Saul,
David and Solomon, we find that they have a complex interrelationship, each
anointing bringing to mind all of the others.
The hinge is the anointing of Solomon in 1 Chr 29:22: it recalls
Samuel’s anointing of Saul as dygn, Samuel’s anointing of
David as king, David’s position as dygn of the people in
Samuel (1 Sam 25:30; 2 Sam 5:2; 6:21; 7:8), and David’s anointing in 1 Chr
11. The combination of all of the
elements found in these various scenes is found only in Solomon’s accession
here: Solomon’s accession is more important and prestigious than any other
before him, and is not repeated in such glory for any king after him.
4. Conclusion
4.1 Wolfgang G. Müller, in his
discussion of the re-use of a literary figure from one author’s work into
another’s, points out that when an author takes over another’s figure, the
figure is adapted into the structure of the new text, and is put to new uses.[43] One use is parody, where the
figure in the new text is a parody of the original, which undermines the
original. He argues that it is
important to realize that the new figure is not a “mere duplicate” of the
original, and that there is a tension created between the original and the new
figure.[44] Although he is discussing the
same figure being reused, we can extend this to our case here. Here we have Solomon as the new Saul,
parodying the original Saul, thus undermining the original Saul. Or is Saul the new Solomon, parodying the
original Solomon, thus undermining Solomon?
The intertextual web leads both ways, transforming our readings of
Solomon, Saul, and David. The literate
Chronicler, working in a literate tradition, left us guessing. Here the Chronicler did not plagiarize, but
transformed the earlier text, performing creative imitation of the highest
order.
Endnotes
* An earlier version of this paper was read at
the Canadian Society of Biblical Studies Annual Meeting in Toronto, Ontario,
Canada, May 26-28, 2002. Many thanks to
all who commented on the paper, as well as to John Van Seters, who was the
respondent for the session. Part of the
research for this paper was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities
Research Council of Canada.
[1]. “Creative Imitation in the Hebrew Bible,” SR 29 (2000) 395-409.
[2]. The traditional approaches would include
source criticism, redaction criticism and form criticism. However, if we are to deal with entire
biblical books as we have them, these methods generally do not help us.
[3]. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985.
[9]. The
Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1997), 5.
[10]. The
Pursuit of Signs: Semiotics, Literature, and Deconstruction (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1981) 108-9.
[11]. “Creative,” 397-99.
[12]. Stephen Halliwell, Aristotle’s Poetics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986)
116-23.
[13]. For a discussion of the workings of allusion
and intertextuality in Greek literature, especially in epic, lyric and drama,
see Thomas K. Hubbard, The Mask of
Comedy: Aristophanes and the Intertextual Parabasis (Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1991) 33-40.
[14]. Cf. Halliwell, Aristotle’s, 129-31.
[15]. Judith Still
and Michael Worton see Aristotelian mimesis as “the reduction and hence intensification
of a mass of texts known to the poet”; “Introduction,” Michael Worton and
Judith Still (eds.), Intertextuality:
Theories and Practices (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990) 4.
[16]. Vivienne Gray points out that by the third
century BCE, mimesis was being used to describe the desirable attributes of
history as well as tragedy; it was a well-known technical term by the first
century BCE; “Mimesis in Greek
Historical Theory” AJP 108 (1987)
467-68.
[17]. “The Text Within the Text,” trans. Jerry Leo
and Amy Mandelker, PMLA 109 (1993)
377-84.
[18]. Fictional
Truth (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990) 86.
[20]. “Compulsory Reader Response: The
Intertextual Drive,” Michael Worton and
Judith Still (eds.), Intertextuality: Theories and Practices
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1990) 56-58.
[21]. Semeiotikè: Recherches pour une sémanalyse (Paris: Seuil, 1969) 155-57.
[22]. S/Z
(Paris: Seuil, 1970) 12, 19.
[25]. Cf. Culler, Pursuit, 103, 109.
[26]. Universe of the Mind: A Semiotic Theory of
Culture, trans. Ann Shukman,
intro. Umberto Eco (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990) 18.
[28]. “The
Accession of Solomon in the Books of Chronicles,” VT 26 (1976) 351-61.
[31]. Although tyn#$
(“a second time”) is missing in many of the versions of Chronicles, the use of wkylmyw
(“they made king”) already repeats the use of the verb Klm
in 1 Chr 23:1. Sara Japhet (with most
commentators) sees tyn#$ as a gloss by an
ancient editor who did not understand that there was only one anointing (I and II
Chronicles: A Commentary [OTL;
Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1993] 514); H.G.M. Williamson
suggests that it is not a gloss, but refers to the events of 1 Kgs 1 (1 and 2
Chronicles [NCB; Grand Rapids: W.B.
Eerdmans, 1982] 159, 187). If,
however, we ignore the current chapter divisions, 23:1 could be read as the
conclusion of chapter 22, rather than the introduction to chapter 23.
[32]. Cf. Williamson, Chronicles, 187.
[33]. Only Rehoboam in 2 Chr 11:22 attempts
anything similar, and there we are told that Rehoboam appoints Abijah prince in
order to make him king. The foreign
king who appoints a puppet clearly does not have the support of the people.
[34]. Roddy Braun, 1 Chronicles (WBC 14; Waco: Word Books, 1986) 271; Japhet, Chronicles, 488-89.
[35]. Japhet
points out, “[T]he process of divine choice is finalized not in David but in
his son …” (Chronicles, 488).
[36]. All translations are from the New Revised
Standard Version, unless otherwise noted.
[37]. That during the Persian period there was
some kind of power sharing arrangement between the high priest and the
Persian-appointed governor under the authority of the Persian king is well
known. On the biblical evidence, cf.
Japhet, Chronicles, 514. Jon Berquist outlines in detail how this
power sharing would have worked in Judaism in Persia’s Shadow: A Social and
Historical Approach
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995) 131-59. Here in this passage the Chronicler may well have based his
political organization on the accepted practice of his own day – the evidence
of 2 Chr 19:11 would be adduced to show that these functionaries were
subordinate to the Persian ruler. It is
interesting that only in these two places does this dual leadership come up,
suggesting that while the Chronicler was not opposed to using the political
structure of his own day within his model, it certainly was not the basis for
his model, which saw a king supported by his cabinet as a whole as the ideal
hierarchy. Cf. W.M. Schniedewind, “King and Priest in the Book of Chronicles and the
Duality of Qumran Messianism,” JJS 45
(1994) 71-78, on the link between the relationship between the king and
high priest in Chronicles as it was developed in the writings at Qumran; where
he sees the Chronicler as supporting “bicephalic leadership administered by the
temple and the palace” (72), I think the evidence is too thin to support this
argument. Braun points out that this
passage sees the dygn as subordinate to Yhwh, and concludes that the Chronicler was advocating a loyalty not only to
the temporal ruler but also to God, Chronicles,
202.
[38]. Braun, Chronicles,
288. In the same way, Zadok is
appointed as the only (high) priest.
Previously in 1 Chronicles, Zadok is always paired with another priest (Abiathar in 1 Chr 15:11, Ahimelech in 1 Chr 18:16; 24:3, 6, 31) in performing
the duties of the high priest.
[39]. There are a few other examples in Kings of
the private announcement-public proclamation pattern (e.g., Jeroboam in 1 Kings
11, Jehu in 2 Kings 9, Elisha in 1 Kings 19, 2 Kings 2). However, there are only three places in
Samuel-Kings where the verbs x#$m
and Klm in the hiphil are
used of one person: Saul, Solomon, and Joash in 2 Kings 11 – and Joash is
anointed and made king at the same time.
Jeroboam is not anointed, Jehu is not made king, and Elisha’s anointing
is ordered by Yhwh but not specifically carried out.
[41]. For a slightly different examination of the
use of rxb in this passage, see
Braun, Chronicles, 271; he suggests
that the term here refers to some kind of notion of “charismatic” choice. If this is so, the link with Saul can still
be made: the episode of Saul among the prophets (1 Sam 10:10-13), which
evidently became some kind of proverb, also links Saul with the charismatic
prophetic tradition.
[42]. Contra William Johnstone, 1 and 2
Chronicles, vol. 1 (JSOTSup 253;
Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997) 291.
[43]. “Interfigurality:
A Study on the Interdependence of Literary Figures,” Heinrich F. Plett (ed.), Intertextuality (Berlin: de Gruyter,
1991) 107.
[44]. “Interfigurality,”
108-9.
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